Why Ethnic Conflicts Errupt?
- Causes of Ethnic Conflicts: Conflicts often arise over natural resources, political power, or cultural dominance, such as in Nigeria, Papua New Guinea, and Kosovo.
- Role of State Policies and Governance: Non-liberal democracies and ethnocratic states, like Israel and Sri Lanka, can exacerbate conflicts by denying power-sharing and favoring certain ethnic groups.
- Scholarly Perspectives and Dynamics: Scholars like Wolf and Whimmer emphasize the roles of leadership, economic motivations, and political exclusion, while Gurr highlights relative deprivation as a key driver of group mobilization and conflict escalation.
Ethnic conflicts erupt in states with multiple communities for various reasons. According to Louis Kriesberg, such conflicts arise when one ethnic group tries to achieve its goals at the expense of others, with these goals potentially being social, economic, political, or cultural. There are two main types of ethnic conflicts: those between two ethnic groups at both the mass and elite levels, and those between the state and a specific ethnic group.
The nature of ethnic conflicts varies across countries. In Nigeria, natural resources have been a major cause of conflict. Many parts of Africa have experienced ethnic conflicts over diamonds. In Papua New Guinea, ethnic conflict has led to armed resistance against state policies and continued against settlers accused of exploiting resources, destroying native culture, and turning natives into a minority in their own land. In Kosovo, the conflict was driven not by natural resources or diamonds but by the Albanian way of life, resulting in hundreds of thousands of casualties.
The nature of statehood and its policies can also cause ethnic conflicts. Majoritarianism, a form of non-liberal democracy, can cause ethnic conflict by denying power-sharing with minority groups. Ethnocratic states, such as Israel and Sri Lanka, have policies that favor one ethnic group over others. Electoral democracies that are not fully liberal may limit participation for women and specific communities, leading to severe ethnic conflict.
Different scholars have various perspectives on ethnic conflict. Wolf views ethnic conflict and its violent escalation in terms of “creed, greed, and grievances,” exacerbated by poor leadership and particularistic interests. Whimmer argues that modernity and the rise of nation-states lead to social closure and exclusion, as bureaucracies favor their own ethnic groups, causing alienation among neglected groups. Political factors, such as discriminatory state institutions, are often present in ethnic conflicts. Weak and corrupt states are particularly prone to such conflicts, as marginalized groups are excluded from development and subject to favoritism. Ethnic conflicts, if not addressed promptly, can lead to civil war. According to Laitin and Fearon, civil wars arise from four main reasons: poverty, political instability, rough terrain, and large populations that provide hiding places and manpower for insurgents.
Two dimensions are crucial for ethnic conflict: internal and external. Internally, bad leaders may deny basic rights to specific communities, as seen in Sri Lanka and Bosnia and Herzegovina. Externally, neighboring countries can fuel ethnic conflicts, as in the case of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Collier and Hoeffler argue that ethnic conflicts should be understood in terms of economic motivations (greed). Rebellions are often driven by economic opportunities rather than grievances, with rebels financing their activities through natural resources, diaspora donations, and foreign government funding.
The security dilemma also contributes to ethnic conflict, involving credible commitment, information failure, and incentives to use force preemptively. According to Posen, ethnic groups face security dilemmas similar to states, driven by social, political, economic, and cultural reasons. The sense of ‘groupness’ and political geography, where ethnic groups feel isolated, are contributing factors. Social identity theory suggests that striving for a ‘positive social identity’ is the objective of every ethnic group, with cultural symbols, rituals, and chosen glories being important elements.
Ted Gurr posits that group mobilization occurs as a result of ‘relative deprivation,’ which happens when expectations exceed what is received. Changing political opportunities can cause group mobilization. When the state or dominant group treats a minor ethnic group as inferior, a sense of relative deprivation arises, leading to group grievances. Group leaders and political entrepreneurs can formulate these grievances. The state’s response, whether addressing or repressing the demands, influences the outcome.
Finally, denying a group its share of resources or altering the existing culture can cause ethnic conflict. Conflict can provide group solidarity and can even occur within an ethnic group. In the Basque case, the moderate section protested against violence. In Sri Lanka, ordinary Tamils suffered due to privileged ones, and similar dynamics are observed among the Pashtuns. Political shifts, such as Milosevic’s move from communism to nationalism, can also lead to and prolong ethnic conflicts.
The author is a PhD scholar in International Relations at Quaid-e-Azam University, Islamabad.
